Cannabis and Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use and Drug Trade
Molly Charles
Thesis is submitted for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology to
University of Pune.
Under the guidance of Dr. K.S. Nair
Department of Anthropology
University of Pune
Pune –411007
October 2004
Declaration
I, Molly Charles, solemnly declare that this thesis entitled Cannabis and
Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use and Trade, which I am submitting to
the University of Pune, Pune, for Ph.D. Degree has been entirely prepared by me.
All the information, data, analysis and other materials included in my thesis
are mine. Whenever I have borrowed from other sources through review of
literature, the same has been acknowledged as per the required format of
referencing. In case any plagiarized material including data, information and
analysis is found in the thesis I am solely responsible for the same. Dr. Nair,
my guide/supervisor bears no responsibility in this regard.
I also declare that, this thesis is a product of the research work carried out
by me and that no part of this thesis has been presented earlier for any degree,
diploma, or similar title to any University
Dr. K.S. Nair
Molly Charles
Deputy Director General-Research
Research Student
Supervisor.
Date:
Place: Pune
Certificate
This is to certify that this Ph.D. Thesis entitled Cannabis and Culture: Impact
of Drug Policy on Drug Use and Trade is the research work of Molly Charles and
that it has been carried out by her under my supervision
YASHADA,
PUNE
Table of Contents
1. Cannabis and
Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use / Abuse
management
Problem
29
Theoretical Perspective
35
Conclusion
55
2. Methodology
Approach Selected
57
Research Sites
61
Rapport Building
68
Methods of Interviewing
71
Limitation
73
Relevance
74
Selection of Informants
74
Data Analysis and Presentation
74
Conclusion
75
3. Role of Psychoactive Substances
in Religion and Asceticism
Saivite Samnyasis
and Asceticism
78
Locale
84
Use of Psychoactive
substances in Religious Context
88
The
group under study –saivite samnyasis
89
Role of Psychoactive substances in Asceticism
94
Role of Drugs in Spiritual Search
102
Pattern of Drug Use among samnyasi community
105
Transference of Religious Use to general public
115
Conclusion
120
4. Socio-cultural use of
Psychoactive Plant Products
Psychoactive Plant
Products and their Non-Psychoactive Uses 124
Socioal context of Cannabis use
126
Social context for consumption of Poppy Plant Products
130
Psychoactive Plant Products as a Relaxant
132
Use of Psychoactive substances in Traditional Systems of
Medicine
137
Medicinal Use of Psychoactive Plants
142
Practitioners of Traditional Systems of Medicine
146
Use of Psychoactive Plants by Traditional Practitioners
147
Source of Psychoactive Plant Products
148
Conclusion
153
5. Impact of Criminalisation on Drug Use and Drug Trade
Creation of New Norms through Criminalisation
155
Transferring the criminal Approach to Society
165
Religious Use and Criminalisation
174
Socio-Cultural Use and Criminalisation
182
Impact of Criminalisation on Drug Trade in the Urban Context
186
Criminalisation and its Impact on Urban Context of Drug Use
198
Criminalisation and Graduation in Drug Use
201
Marginalisation and Entrenchment in Crime
209
Conclusion
219
6.
Impact of Drug Policy on Cultural
Use Management
Presence of Use Management and its disintegration
223
Creation
of Deviants and resultant Alienation
230
Increasing
Scope of trade through alienation
234
Expanding
drug trade and criminalisation of social fabric
236
Conclusion
238
List of Illustrations/Tables
Title
Page Number
1.
Schema of Drug Effects
44
2.
Adapted version of De Rios Schema
46
3.
Map of Junagadh district in Gujarat
state
63
4.
Map of Kullu district in Himachal Pradesh
65
5.
Mumbai city Map in Maharashtra
67
6.
Use of Psychoactive Plant Products for common ailments
148
7.
Punishment under NDPS Act based on
quantity
seized
164
8.
Schema of Drug Effects within the Indian context
240
Abbreviation (Key)
Expanded Form
Abbreviation
Acquired Immuno Deficiency Syndrome
AIDS
Human Immunodeficiency Virus
HIV
Mind Altering Substances
MAS
Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic
NDPS, Act 1985
Substances Act, 1985
Non- Governmental Organisation
NGO
National Institute of Social Defence
NISD
Traditional Systems of Medicine
TSM
World Health Organisation
WHO
World Trade Organisation
WTO
Acknowledgement
The journey to arrive at this thesis has
been long and an enriching experience. It began even prior to my registration as
a Ph.D. candidate. It is my interaction with Dr. K.S. Nair in the capacity of a
research advisor to National Addiction Research Centre (NARC), where I worked
earlier the prompted me to do a Ph.D. research. His critical inputs facilitated
in understanding the relevance of the present drug policy and bring forth some
suggestions so has to address the contradictions in the drug policy. I would
like to thank Dr. K.S. Nair for his active support at all stages of the study.
In addition to his analytical input, it is his emotional support during stages
of crisis, where I felt that the thesis would never come to an end that has been
crucial in completing the study.
I would also like to thank Dr. Ram
Gambhir, Head of the Department of Anthropology, Pune University for his support
in facilitating the successful completion of this research study. I thank Pune
University for providing me an opportunity to do academic research and hope the
opportunity has been constructively used towards some benefit for society at
large and drug users in particular.
In addition to the present research,
years of work in the area of Drug Addiction as part of National Addiction
Research centre facilitated this thesis for it provided an understanding of the
complex drug situation in Indian and role of International drug policies on the
same. I thank the input provided by Gabriel Britto, Director NARC, Mumbai, for
he provided critical input and opportunity to explore various aspects of Drug
Abuse Management with regard to different issues related to drug use and in the
area of drug trade. Opportunity to do research was provided by International
Federation of Catholic Universities (Paris) and UNESCO-MOST (Paris). Research
undertaken as part of NARC was facilitated both by Dr. K.S. Nair and Gabriel
Britto and that has contributed towards the present research.
The present study
that focussed on collecting information on sensitive issues was made possible
because of the willingness of samnyasis, practitioners of traditional systems of
medicine, drug users and individuals in criminal activities to share
information. Their magnanimity has been crucial for the data collection process.
This was further facilitated by the support A.A. Das, Dr. Masihi, Mr. Bhaskar,
Mr. Muthu who provided the connecting link with different groups. Dr. Udaya
Mehta, J, P. Vijayakumar, and Daniel Pinto supported the process by giving their
insights on specific issues.
Access to research
material is crucial to sharpen any search and at times resource materials are
not easily accessible within India. Besides, it is difficult and expensive to
purchase them at the personal level. Laurent Laniel (DRUGSTRAT, Paris) suggested
relevant books, provided the material, gave space to go through them and our
discussion facilitated in arriving at a better understanding- - thank you!
For their
unconditional support and encouragement I thank my parents, P.A. Charles and
Daisy Charles. I thank my siblings Vimal Charles and Andrew Mohan, my sister-in
law Grace Andrew for their support. Thanks is very much due to my nephew Quentin
and niece Gale for their tolerance when I occupied the computer on continuous
basis interfering with their time for computer games. The support of Muneera and
her children and Ishwar Desai and family facilitated me to go through tough
times in Mumbai while struggling to complete the thesis.
Glossary
Addas : Drug dens where brown sugar (crude form of
heroin) and other
synthetic drugs are sold.
Akhada: The word though translated as
monastery, must be distinguished
from it for Akhada is a centre where only Naga
samnyasis are inmates. It is only those Naga Samnyasis
who are attached to the particular
akhada’s who can be the inmate
of the respective akhada.
Amal
The local name for opium, which means rule or control.
Ashram: Religious
residential place
Augharas or Aghoripanithi:A
practitioner of Aghora, which means `non-terrifying’. It is one of the
extreme among various sects of ascetics.
Ayurveda: A branch of
traditional system of medicine, it is a Sanskrit word meaning `science of life’
or `longevity’.
Bairagis: Samnyasis
who worship Lord Vishnu
Barella: filled in, here
referring to cigarettes filled with brown sugar or crude heroin.
Bhagats: Devotees of
samnyasis.
Bhajans: religious songs
Bhang
: A drink or paste
made from tender leaves of cannabis plant
Brahmins: The upper caste
members who also belong to the priestly caste
Brown Sugar: Adulterated
crude form of heroin sold in Mumbai
Chandukhannas: A place where
opium was sold and where there was space for smoking as well. At times cannabis
was sold along with opium.
Charan : A member of
the Bardic caste, who composed verses during
dayaro session held by Rajputs in Gujarat.
Charas:Hashish, which is
made from the resin of the cannabis
plant and it is the most potent of cannabis products.
Chella
A devoted disciple, who gives himself/herself totally to the teacher
Chillum:
A pipe used to
smoke marijuana or hashish mixed with tobacco. It is three to six inches long,
and straight with the width tapering from a wide
bowl to a thin mouth.
Corex: A brand name for a
cough syrup, which also contains codeine.
Danda: A staff carried by
student samnyasis who also belong to the upper caste.
Dandis: Means one who has a
staff, usually a Brahmin initiate. He or she carries always carried the staff
and discarded it on leaving the house of the teacher.
Darsana: The flat ear ring
worn by Kanphata Jogis.
Darshan: Go to worship at
the temple
Dasnami: The school of
saivite samnyasis who has ten orders as organised by Sankaracarya.
Datura: Thorn apple, it is
rich in delirium and delusion producing tropane alkaloids.
Dayaro: Group gathering held
among Rajputs in Gujarat during which opium
drinks are consumed.
Dhunni: The fire tended by a
samnyasi. A samnyasi is said to
sit
`on’ his dhunni, meaning close to it, concentrating on it,
Dhyana: Meditation
Digambara
Signifies Lord Siva in his
naked form, it means `He who is clothed with space (naked).
Diksha: Initiation into
savite smanyais sects
Diwali: Festival of Lights
Doda Pani Drink made by soaking
poppy pods overnight in water.
Durga Puja The festival celebrated
predominantly in Bengal to worship Goddess Durga, the consort of Lord Siva. She
got her name Durga for she slew an asura named Durga
Duseera: Festival
celebrating victory of good over evil, it is same festival as Druga Puja
celebrated in West Bengal.
Ganja: The local name for marijuana
which consists of the flower tops and leaves of cannabis plant.
Gard: Local name for brown
sugar or crude heroin.
Gardulla: Local name for
brown sugar users, used in a derogative manner.
Guru: The teacher who is
crucial for sadhana and
he/she dispels darkness
Gurugadhi: The place where
the Guru sits and it also represents the power attached to the position. This
position is handed over to the disciple, chosen by the Guru.
Hakims: Practitioners of traditional systems of
medicine
Holi: Festival of colours
Jains: They are followers of Mahavir, the last
and best known of all saints among Jains. It is said that Parswanatha, who is
blue in colour with a snake is the founder of Jain sect. He was an ascetic born
in Benares.
Janmashtami: The birthday of
Lord Krishna who is the reincarnation of Lord Vishnu.
Japa: Systematic repetition of a mantra of
sacred name.
Kamandalu: Water pot,
carried by Lord Siva
Kanpata Jogi: Kanpata Jogis stands out
marked from other Nathpanthis by the large earrings or ear discs which
they wear in the hollow of the ear. At the last stage of initiation
Kasumba Pani:
A
drink made from opium, it also contains saffron and cardamom
Kumbha Mela: Mela meaning
getting together in mood of festivity. Kumbha
refers to pot. Kumbha mela is supposed to represent the celebration of
the occasion when nectar of immortality was obtained.
Kund: Pond
Kundala: The round earrings worn by Kanpatta
Jogis
Lambanis: A community in
Karnataka which has cultural use of
cannabis.
Linga: Male
generative organ worshipped as a phallic symbol. Linga is the symbol of
Lord Shiva.
Madak : It is raw opium that
has been obtained through recurrent washing filtering.
Mahabag: Is a cocktail of different types of drugs ganja, charas, datura, pincers of scorpion, skin of cobra, english liquor, Mauva liquor
Mahachillum : Is a
chillum containing five
different drugs to be smoked together by
saivite samnyasis
Mahadev: Another name for Lord Siva which means
the great deity of Lord Siva.
Maharaja: A term of respect
often used to address a religious person.
Mahashivaratri: The great festival of Lord Siva
and it occurs on the night before the new moon during the lunar month of
Magaha (February or early March).
Mahtama: An enlightened soul
Mal: Stuff, here
representing brown sugar
Mandir: Temple
Moksha: Salvation or
nirvana
Naga
Samnyasis: The class of samnyasis who
received their name after their chief characteristic - nakedness. Naga means
naked or snake. They are
worshippers of Lord Siva.
Naisthika Brahmacaris: A person who confirms to life long Celibacy.
Nasha: High
Nathpanthis
samnyasis:
Ascetics who are followers of Lord Siva
and also worship Gorakhnatha and describe themselves as
Gorakhapanthis. They are known for their expertise in physical exercise and
exercise of mental control leading to total concentration.
Pani: Silver foil used for chasing brown sugar
or crude heroin.
Paramahamsas: An
ascetic or a person who having realised the identity of the individual soul with
the supreme soul could be called the supreme discriminator.
Prasad: Any substance,
usually food but includes psychoactive substances, which has been offered to a
deity or saint, or to the image of the deity or saint, and which is then
partaken by a disciple or devotee.
Pudis: The unit in which
brown sugar is sold on the streets of Mumbai it is supposed to contain 250mgms.
It also means small packet.
Puja: `Ritual adoration’, especially of a deity
or guru with objects symbolic of purity, divinity or grace such as flowers,
incense, sweet fruit, coconut etc.
However puja can also be performed mentally
Rig Veda/Rg Veda:
Path of Jhan or Knowledge
Rishis: Means Seer, anything a Rishi sees or
experiences becomes a reality,
because a Rishi is an
ethereal being of highest class, one who is almost totally unlimited, one who
can travel anywhere in the cosmos and do
anything at all.
Rogu: Local name for opium
granules
Sadhana: Any spiritual
exercise.
Saili: The sacred thread worn by Nathpanthi
Saivite Samnyasis: Ascetic who are disciples of Lord Siva
Sam Veda :
Path of Bhakthi or devotion
Shankranthi :Harvest
Festival
Shivaratri: Festival of Lord
Shiva.
Siddh: Having miraculous
powers
Siddhi : Is a Sanskrit word for `perfect
abilities’ or `miraculous powers’ that must inevitably be
renounced and overcome it to attain Samadhi or union with Absolute.
Siddhar: An `accomplished one’. Anyone who has
obtained Siddhi or supernatural accomplishment, is a siddhi.
Siddha: Traditonal system of medicine that
originated from Dravidian civilisation and practised in Southern part of India.
Siddha Sangam: Sangam means academies
that originally existed before 1000 BC, the first known member being Agastiya,
who is the known member of Siddha medicine. At present the term is used
to represent the academic council of Siddha practitioners.
Singanada: A whistle made of buck of a
rhinoceros, worn by Nathpanthi on the sacred thread around the neck.
Soma: Is the drink of the Gods, the God of the intoxicating juice who resides in the plant itself.
Tantric Samnyasis : The Yogi or Jogi who practice appellation Consisting of a number of postures, exercises and certain mental control leading on through meditation to absolute concentration. This group of saivite ascetics can also be known as Tantric Samnyais. It is also said to represent Siddhas in North.
Tapas :`Heat, austerities penance’. Kamas
(desire/passion) are burned away by tapas. Tapas
etymologically means heat and significantly its practice is described in
Sanskrit in terms of root `tap’ to get heated.
Tibbi :Traditional system of
medicine originating from Tibet.
Tilak: Religiously
significant marks made on the forehead or other parts of body, with different
powders, sandalwood and ashes.
Tulsi: Holy
basil.
Udasin: A reformist sect of
saivite samnyasis who also initiate members of the lower castes and Muslims to their sect.
Unani: The Arab system of
traditional form health care
Vaidhyans/Vaids:
Practitioners of traditional systems of
medicine.
Vedas: Sacred knowledge or wisdom
Yajur Veda: Path of Karma or action
Yogi: One who is given to the practice of Yoga
and in Northern part of India Yogis are also known as Jogis.
Yoga: Disciplining the body for various
purposes, physical, mental and spiritual and meditation.
Abstract
The use of psychoactive substances for various purposes within a given
socio-cultural context has been documented in different societies across the
globe. The present approach to drug abuse management assumes that all forms of
drug consumption are deviant or criminal behaviour and ignores the
socio-cultural context of drug use.
It is this contradiction that formed the basis for this research study on
cannabis and culture with specific emphasis on the impact of drug policy on drug
use and trade. In order to explore various forms of use that exists within
India, the study utilised the qualitative approach with data collected through
field observation and interviews with informants.
For providing a theoretical base to the inquiry, the schema of Drug Effects put
forward by De Rios (1975) was used and the same adapted to explore drug use
within religious context of India. Data collected on religious and
socio-cultural context of drug intake is contrasted with the data obtained on
use of hard drugs within the context of the punitive approach to drug control.
The study focussed on presenting another schema for Drug Effects within India
context.
The first two chapters of thesis present a broad outline of the study and
elaborate on the methodology of the study undertaken. The religious context of
consumption has been explored with regard to specific sect of saivites
samnyasis (ascetic followers of Lord Siva) and their interaction with others
in society. Within the religious sect data was specifically collected with
regard to understanding the role of psychoactive substances in the life of the
ascetic and the process through which they are oriented to group ideology with
regard to psychoactive substances and how they internalise the same. Analysis of
various antecedent factors was done to explore the role it plays in evolving
drug effects within the religious context.
Consumption of psychoactive substances in the socio-cultural context explored
different forms of use both for psychoactive and non-psychoactive purposes. With
regard to consumption for psychoactive properties the role of drugs as a
relaxant during a social get together, festivals were examined, in addition to
its use merely as a relaxant in daily life. The medicinal use of psychoactive
plant products within the traditional system of medicine is another issue
focussed upon. The basic emphasis was also to explore how within the context of
punitive approach these forms of consumption continue to survive and the hurdles
faced in the process. Data on different forms of religious and socio-cultural
context of use presents the existence of cultural use management.
Data collected on the use of hard drugs within the context of criminalisation
address the impact of the drug abuse policy on the drug use situation and its
implication for patterns of use and impact on the lives of drug users. It is the
process of marginalisation of drug users that is starkly different from the
social acceptance given within the religious and socio-cultural forms of
consumption.
In addition, the impact of drug policy on drug trade was explored, for the
stated goal of drug abuse control has been to eradicate drugs. The study explores how the process of
making drugs into contraband has led to the introduction of new forms of hard
drugs for marketing at the street level.
It is profit and the possibility of being able to evade the law that
plays a crucial role in the choice of drug for marketing.
The entire process of criminalisation has led to a spread of drug use and the
entrenchment of drug trade within society though there is a variation between
rural and urban areas. The outcome of policy intervention by and large has been
that cultural use management get transformed into drug abuse management.
CHAPTER - 1
Cannabis and Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use/Abuse Management
INTRODUCTION
This study focuses on the role of culture in shaping various facets of drug use
within India and changes brought about in them through the criminalisation of
drug use and trade. The issues addressed here include the use of cannabis and
opium for religious, social and medicinal purposes and the culturally embedded
regulatory mechanisms that evolved through centuries. It then further elaborates
on the impact of the national drug policy on both cultural and non-cultural
patterns of use in rural and urban settings.
A review of global literature looking at prehistoric artefacts and historical
drug use indicate that the use of mind altering substances has existed across
cultures for many centuries. Studies undertaken in different societies,
illustrate the use of cannabis, opium, coca and peyote for religious, social,
medicinal and mind-altering purposes (Rubin (a) 1975; Palgi 1975; Codere 1975;
Wilbert 1975; Rubin (b) 1975; Chopra et. al. 1990). An indepth understanding of
drug use in history within different settings is hampered by the limited
artefacts that created the basis for diverse claims and thereby, conflicting
views on the issue. Overall, there has been no dispute regarding the cultural
use of psychoactive substances and about its functional role being determined by
socio-cultural reality. This in turn has led to diversity in the use of
mind-altering substances and opportunities for cultural diffusion have not
eradicated the diversity in drug use pattern (Blum 1969).
The role of socio-cultural factors in shaping the use of psychoactive substances
has been studied within the Indian context by social scientists (Hasan 1975;
Chopra 1990; Herer 1991; Masihi et. al. 1994; Shrivastava 1989; Masihi et. al.
2001; Machado et. al. 1994 and Hasan 1975).
In order to illustrate the role of socio-cultural factors, some of these studies
are elaborated here. A study of drug use in Jhodpur (Rajasthan) indicated:
“Traditionally, use of opium had been closely integrated with
social, economic and cultural infrastructure of the society. It was intimately
related to the social rituals, religious beliefs and social and economic
conditions of the region” (Shrivastava 1989:135).
Another study on the use of cannabis in Karnataka, (Rao 1994:3) pointed out,
“Distribution of ganja (marijuana) occurs (in a
particular community of Lambanis) during the ceremony of marriage. It has been
also found that such distribution of ganja is related to the prestige of
the family. If it were not performed, the families would be looked down upon”. In this area, another cultural sanction for drug use is
indicated, during the festival of Saint Shishunal (considered a reincarnation of
God), every devotee considers ganja smoking, a religious obligation
(Machado 1994).
The cultural use of psychoactive substances provide a certain socio-cultural
context for drug use specifying the profile of the community members granted the
sanction to consume the substance/s. Regulations with regard to the use of mind
altering substances encompass the type of substance, the form sanctioned for
intake, the quantity consumed, mode of consumption, the setting for its use and
the profile of users.
The study of opium use in Jodhpur, Rajasthan, (Shrivastava 1989:135) indicates
the presence of cultural regulation with regard to use of the substance,
“Culture and tradition have a role not only in contributing
to the drug use pattern but also in screening and limiting the potential drug
user, as well as specifying the occasions on which the drug should be used. This
is the reason, why, by and large, the problem of opium abuse had been
traditionally confined to the adult male population of the region”.
Norms with regard to the use of psychoactive substances within the
socio-cultural context; in addition to regulating pattern of the use, they
provided space for members to be enculturated to specific forms of use.
Deviation from the sanctioned forms of use was restricted by group pressure
either through disciplinary measures by senior members of the community or by
ridicule. This is so in the case of cannabis use in Karnataka (Machado 1994) and
opium use in Rajasthan. With regard to opium use in Rajasthan, (Shrivastava
1989:135),
“Culture and social tradition limited the frequency and
quantity of opium use in the region. Opium taking behaviour had to confirm to
social expectations any violation of these norms, or its use in excess amount
constituted deviant behaviour”.
In Gujarat opium use occurs in a group setting (Charles et. al. 1994:72-73),
“Opium was consumed as a drink in gatherings called dayaro.
Usually these gatherings were attended by men of the same or similar status.
Opium was provided by the host and it could not be refused by the members of the
gathering, for it would be considered an insult to the host. When Kasumba
Pani[1]
(drink made from opium) was served in the cup of ones palm, the person to whom
it was given allowed some liquid to flow out with the help of his finger, so
that he did not get an overdose of it, as opium drink was served more than once
during the sitting”.
Unlike norms based on socio-cultural reality, introduction of hard drugs
(derivatives) led to an initiative aimed at creating universal norms of control
that focused on the criminal approach to restrict drug use and trade. Studies
have explored the creation of present criminal approach that exists in most
countries (Brunn et. al. 1975; MacAllister 2000; Nadelmann 1990). The initial
momentum for adopting the criminal approach came from America, where the
rationale for alcohol prohibition lost ground but drug control continued to
focus on abstinence. This approach to drug control emerged in America, more, out
of concern for the intermingling of races rather than a concern over drug use
itself. Cannabis and opium was seen
as creating a setting for intermingling of races. The American approach
subsequently became the basis for international drug policy and thereby affected
all countries, including India.
“Groups in the medical community, reformers in the progressive
movement, moralistic anti-vice crusaders, muckraking journalists, and racist and
nativist groups who feared that America would be mongrelized and contaminated by
drug consuming `inferior people’
were all intent on establishing some kind of regimen for drug control. Their
various struggles merged in the early decades of the century to forge a new
public judgement on drug use” (Bertram et. al. 1996:62-67).
At the international level it was trade interests that dictated American policy,
for though United States had a trade potential, its world position was minor to
the Colonial empires and it is through a strong anti drug policy that it managed
to win the china market. (Musto1972,cited in Cohen 1990).
“The efforts led to the creation of Pure Food and Drug Act,
1906, The Harrison Act, 1914 and later to a punitive approach to drug control.
As the prohibitionist approach gained support, the Narcotic Control Act in 1956
raised the mandatory minimum penalties (five to twenty years for second offence,
ten to forty years for the third offence) and permitted juries to impose the
death penalty on any adult who sold heroin to a minor (Bertram et. al. 1996:
83-84).
The rationale for the harsh legislation of the in United Sates was that it was
meant to eradicate drug use and trade, but that was not achieved. Instead the
law became a tool whereby the marginalised and excluded could be put behind
bars. As drug crime is a felony, it gave a momentum to the process of making the
excluded population powerless. This trend is seen from a profile of individuals
likely to be arrested for drug crime.
In United States the number of prisoners in State and Federal prisons doubled
from the year 1973 to 1983, it reached 1,408.685 in 2003. It has been indicated
that crime in the United States has decreased but drug related arrests have been
climbing steadily. Since 1980 the number of drug prisoners has increased
sevenfold, and the chance of a black Americans being caught for the crime is
higher. Data indicates that an American born in 1999 has about one chance in
twenty to spending some of his or her life in a correctional facility. At the
same time for black Americans, the chance increases to about one in four (Gray
2001)
The shift towards a punitive approach to drug control attains significance
because of the impact seen on drug users and those from marginalized segments of
the society.
“The
development of a market in private prison showing that ‘zero tolerance’ policy
can be profitable, brings on an unexpected twist to the debate about
discriminating drug use. The
spectacular growth of the American Prison population, largely due to the anti
drug laws enacted during the last 20 years, has resulted in the creation of
private firms specialising in building and managing prisons. These’ correctional
corporations’ are paid
between US $50 to $150 per day per inmate from the budgets of states, counties
or cities in order to manage the prison on their behalf” (Laniel 2001:55).
The changes that occurred in international drug policy also affected Indian drug
policy.
“In India, for centuries, Cannabis sativa has
been used for various social, religious and medicinal purposes. The Narcotics
Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act (NDPS) 1985, placed cannabis and opium
among illicit drugs. When the Government of India, signed the Single Convention,
1964, it accepted the international decision to phase out the cultural and
non-medicinal use of cannabis and opium in twenty-five years, but then did
nothing about it (Charles et. al. 1999:68-69).
The criminalisation of drug use through drug policy and concurrent legislation
is an attempt to create uniform formal norms for drug abuse management across
the globe. The attempt aimed at creating a cultural convergence at controlling
drug use, whereby cultural differences could be done away with, through
legislation. But, both at the national and the international levels, it created
a situation where different cultures have had to adapt to or resist change with
regard to the use of psychoactive substances. Culture is dynamic and flexible,
and it offers scope for its members to modify conduct by changing guide, rules
or plans. Change is a slow process, but culture is not always adjustable to
change, it can resist or adapt to change.
There have been hurdles in this attempt at cultural convergence, be it a result
of the economic obligations involved in the adaptation or the resistance to
change, or the tendency to conserve cultural norms because of the extent of
existing integration and emotional attachment to customs. The attempt at
cultural convergence at the global level, by powerful nations led to other
countries, even those with a history of cultural mechanisms of control, passing
legislation for drug abuse management at the national level contradictory to
evolved local wisdom with regard to drug use/abuse management. This is clearly
seen in the Indian context with regard to its drug control policy.
The new legislation created a need for appropriate social constructs to
facilitate the implementation of the law, the creation of the concept of
addiction with its criminal, moral and disease dimensions. The presence of
harder drugs with pharmacological properties, quite capable of creating physical
dependence, gave further ground to strengthening the concept of addiction and
addicted personalities.
At present, the term put forward by World Health Organisation (WHO),
‘dependence’ is gaining acceptance over the term 'addiction'[2].
Along with the concept of addiction there emerged theories on addiction that
fell short because of their monocausal approach to the issue and failure to
establish correlation between cause and effect. Theories focused on the
pharmacological properties of the drug or personality deficiencies or
dysfunctional family relationships to explain away the use of psychoactive
substances. Some of these theories focussed on drug use and environmental
deficits. The failure to explain drugs in terms of a monocausal approach led to
the trend of presenting multidimensionality in drug taking behaviour.
In countries with a socio-cultural acceptance of the use of psychoactive
substances, new formal norms based on criminalisation of drug use created a
complicated situation; it diverged from the norms that existed within the
cultural context. In India, there
existed informal norms of cultural control (though now criminalized by present
legislation) that followed, by and large, formal guidelines. These cultural
mechanisms of control that emerged through the years was ignored by National
drug policy based on international policies focused on a punitive approach to
drug control; whereas cultural forms of control had created a cultural framework
for drug use management which emerged from within the socio-cultural reality of
the community.
The base for criminalisation of drug use
was to control drug intake within the given society. At the same time, studies
undertaken in countries without a cultural base for use showed that the absence
of realistic formal norms and the presence of unclear informal norms made it
difficult to establish regulatory measures for drug control (Zinberg 1984).
According to him rules formulated by legislation and institutions are all part
of formal norms and it is informal norms that act as guides for interaction
between friends or siblings in non-formal situations. It is this informal
interaction that governs drug use probability in varied contexts.
The present research, studies the role of culture in drug use management as it
existed within traditional societies and as it exists today among cultural
groups in different parts of India. In order to understand drug effects and its
management within the cultural context, the conceptual schema forwarded by De
Rios (1975) has been used. According to the schema put forwarded by De Rios, the
impact of drug effects is an interaction between antecedent factors and
consequent variables. Under antecedent factors, De Rios has included
socio-cultural, biological, psychological and cultural aspects identifying
consequent variables as being the physiological impact of the drug. This study
additionally focuses on the impact of the drug policy on ground reality, to look
at whether it has changed cultural mechanisms of control. In case there has been
a change, its implication on the socio-cultural regulatory mechanisms and
process of drug use management. On
the other hand, if the impact of legislation on cultural norms has been
restricted; the manner in which the impact of criminalisation of drugs covered
by cultural norms has been dealt with and the implications of the drug policy on
cultural use of drugs?
The study also addresses; issues of persistence of cultural forms of use and the
continuation of cultural mechanisms of control with regard to drug use in
religious and other social-cultural contexts. It also looks at the effects of
criminalisation of cultural use and the role of the punitive approach in
strengthening a networking of criminals and drug users of both traditional and
synthetic/derivative drugs.
Change in behaviour is facilitated by economic viability, relevant when the
social situation is in a flux and cultural norms of control do not have a strong
hold over its members. Besides, adaptation is not a matter of choosing the most
efficient alternative, but may be a compromise between limitations imposed by
the pre-existing culture and the opportunities presented by new conditions
(Barrett 1991).
It is common to find societies making piecemeal or makeshift adjustments that
allow them, to preserve familiar institutions and to take advantage of new
opportunities simultaneously (Barrett 1991). Elements from the past that persist
will inevitably set limits to future flexibility.
The very act of criminalisation made drug trade a viable commercial activity,
and being a criminal activity it slowly established links with the existing
criminal networks. The trade came to be dictated by the profit margin of the
commodity, the quality of the drug and strategies to corrupt the government
machinery for drug control. This was not in line with transactions that existed
prior to the period, where the sale of psychoactive substances was but a part of
other economic ventures undertaken by the dealer.
The present study therefore, also looks at the growth of drug trade and the
changes that occurred after the introduction of the NDPS Act, the process
through which the trade has been reintegrated into or grown with the support of
the system. The entire process of criminalisation of drug use and drug trade and
its relevance in controlling the drug situation is elaborated upon here to
understand in its totality the impact of the present drug policy.
I. THE PROBLEM
The study analyses the role of culture in drug use management, with regard to
cannabis/opium plant products and the impact of the present drug policy on drug
use management. In addition, it focuses on the impact of drug policy on
consumption and trade of derivatives and synthetic drugs within the Indian
context. For this purpose it
focuses on the norms that existed to regulate drug consumption in the cultural
context and the relevance of this strategy of control in the present legislation
and policy, especially given the use of and trade in, hard forms of drugs.
Research questions that facilitate this search are presented below.
To understand the role of culture in drug use management in India, the study
focuses on cultural use of cannabis/opium in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh. Gujarat was selected as a site for
studying religious use, as it is an important pilgrimage centre for followers of
Lord Siva[3]
and the meeting place for all saivite samnyasis[4]
to celebrate Mahashivaratri[5]. The researcher has conducted a study on
drug trade in Himachal Pradesh, which brought forth the relevance of looking at
the socio-cultural context of use in the case of cannabis and opium in the
Himachal Pradesh (Charles (a) 2001). The role of psychoactive substances within
the traditional health care system in India is also looked at, focussing on the
practice of traditional systems of medicine.
The broad research question focuses on three areas (1) Socio-cultural use of
drugs within the religious community of saivite samnyasis (2)
Socio-cultural use of drugs outside the religious community in India and (3)
Impact of criminalisation through the present drug policy on drug use and trade
within and outside the cultural context.
1.
Use of drugs in any form has been criminalized by the present drug policy.
However, there exist cultural sanctions for consumption of drugs in the
religious context. While the legislation views all forms of drug use in a
negative manner, in the case of culturally sanctioned religious use, the
concerned psychoactive substance is worshipped as a gift to mankind. Through the
process of cultural sanction there evolved norms with regard to type of drugs
consumed, forms of consumption and setting for drug intake. Against this
background there evolved a process to orient its members to group ideology or
norms and on its role in their search for enlightenment. Unlike this, existing
literature on drug abuse management focuses on the adverse impact of drug use in
all forms and present methods to abstain from drug use. While religious use
considers psychoactive plant products to be a means to facilitate attainment of
spiritual goals, drug abuse control programmes consider any form of use as a
step towards becoming addicted.
Specific research questions are
·
What are the normative practices of drug consumption among religious community?
·
What are the underlying concepts, which contribute to religious use of drugs?
·
What are the regulatory mechanisms and rituals that surround drug consumption?
·
What are the ways in which the religiously sanctioned drug use orient its
members to group ideology and norms?
·
What is the role of drugs in the search for spiritual goals among saivite
community?
·
What is the process through which normative practice of drug consumption among
religious community is communicated to the rest of the society,
2.
To understand the role of norms in regulating drug use within the socio-cultural
context, but outside the religious community; the study focuses on social,
religious and medicinal use of psychoactive plant products. The present approach
to drug control provides no scope for the rational social or religious use of
psychoactive plants. At the same time cultural sanction provided scope for a
normative manner of drug consumption within the religious and social context.
Besides, the consumption of psychoactive plant products for religious reasons,
as a means for celebration and as a relaxant; culture also evolved ways of
utilising its medicinal properties as part of the Indian Traditional Systems of
Medicine (TSM). Other uses of psychoactive plant products have been for
production of fibre, fabric and as a means to deal with extreme climatic
conditions.
Specific questions for research are
·
What have been the non-psychoactive uses of psychoactive plant products?
·
What are the social cultural contexts for consumption of psychoactive plant
products?
·
Is there sanctioned use of psychoactive plant products as a relaxant or for its
mind altering capacity?
3.
To understand the relevance of present drug policy the study focuses on the
impact of criminalisation on, drug use and trade within and outside the cultural
context. In order to put in place a criminal approach to a culturally sanctioned
behaviour, the policy had to implement a legislation that put forward new
constructs as to: What is a drug? Who is a drug user? What activities can be
considered to be part of drug trade? In order to ensure compliance the present
legislation introduced punishment for non-compliance. As legislation and its
enforcement are not adequate to erase cultural sanction; the system put in place
institutional infrastructure at the national level, and through its programmes
transferred this new understanding or body of knowledge about drug abuse and its
management. The criminal approach for management of all forms of drug
consumption and the mechanisms of use management that evolved within cultural
framework were criminalised. The
attempt of the present drug policy
was to eradicate all forms of drug use and trade both within and outside
cultural context.
Specific questions for research are:
·
What are the mechanisms put in place in order to ensure that a criminal approach
to drug abuse management is implemented?
·
What has been the impact of present criminal approach to cultural forms of drug
consumption?
·
What has been the impact of criminalisation on drug trade in the urban context?
·
What has been the impact of criminalisation on drug use in the urban context?
·
Has the approach of criminalisation been able to control drug use?
·
What has been the impact of criminalisation on the drug user?
II. Theoretical Perspective
Studies undertaken in different settings have documented the use of psychoactive
substances within the religious, social, functional and medicinal context. The
religious use of cannabis has been documented in Nepal (Fisher 1975), in Jamaica
(Comitas 1975), and in Mexico (Garcia 1975).
Mexican Indians use Psilocybin which is derived from a sacred mushroom known to
them as tenonanacatl
`the flesh of God’; this cult which has come to be named `cult of the sacred
mushroom’ still exists in Oxxaca. Another
psychoactive plant used by Indians of the
southwest and Mexico for communication with divine world is peyote cactus. The
active substance that has been identified from the cactus is mescaline, a
chemical of the amini group which is quite easily synthesised. Eating of the
dried button of the plant is the principal sacrament of the Indian church known
as Native American Church of the United States (Watts 1962).
Based on his study on cannabis in Nepal (Fisher 1975: 249-250) said:
“Many of the holy men use cannabis, claiming that it helps
them to overlook the discomfort of living in conditions alien to them - such as
cold weather- so that they can concentrate on higher matters…
Lord Siva is frequently depicted with a bowl filled with herbs under his arm as
one of the emblems of the mendicant and there is a traditional association
between Lord Shiva and cannabis. For saivites, smoking cannabis is a way
of offering it to Lord Siva. But in interviews with samnyasis at
Pashupatinath the holiest Hindu shrine in Kathmandu, it became apparent that
cannabis use is by no means confined to members of saivite sect. On the
contrary, samnyasis who used cannabis belonged to a wide spectrum of
Hindu sects. It is the combination of the general austerity of asceticism, the
unaccustomed climatic rigor, religious belief which produces conditions in which
the use of cannabis is almost a professional technique”.
The social use of opium has been documented in Gujarat (Charles et. al. 1994: 72-73)
“Opium as a drug found a very fertile soil in the region.
Opium forms part of
the lifestyles of various segments of Saurashtra society. In the local language
opium was called ‘Amal’,
which in other words means rule or control. There were two ways in which opium
was consumed. One was the popular upper-caste method of consuming it in a liquid
form. Individuals, who earn their daily bread, chew granules of opium, known as
rogu.”
In India, traditional systems of medicine use both cannabis and opium products
as ingredients in medicinal preparations, for human and cattle, Medicinal use of
cannabis (Chopra et. al. 1990:168) has been described as follows:
“Cannabis is used in Ayurveda and Tibbi
medicines as an anodyne, hypnotic, analgesic, and as antispasmodic. In rural
areas it is the remedy in prophylaxis and treatment of dyspepsia, pain,
rheumatism, dysentery and diarrhoea, hysteria, gonorrhoea and cholera”. He further
elaborated on opium use, “Opium is prescribed by
Tibbi physicians for relief of pain in the head, eyes, ear, teeth and
joints; drying of catarrh, allaying of cough, asthma and hiccup; treatment of
maniac delirium and inflammatory conditions of the brain; treating diarrhoea and
dysentery; treatment of paralysis, facial paralysis, epilepsy and similar
nervous conditions, and curing intermittent fevers”
(Chopra et. al. 1990:185).
According to a study undertaken among practitioners of traditional systems of
medicine (Masihi et. al. 2001:43),
“In the month prior to the interview 52 vaids and
hakims had together treated 989 patients (an average of 19 patients per
practitioner). In the medicines that they gave 802 patients, 81% contained
either opium or ganja or their combinations in various forms.”
It is through the process of enculturation that the individual as a member of
society imbibes customs, values and moral precepts with regard to different
human behaviour including drug use. Culture can be defined as the system of
agreed upon meaning that serve as a recipe or guidelines, for behaviour in any
particular society. The agreed upon meaning is transferred both through overt
learning and subtle learning, the latter through unconscious imitation by the
transmission of cues from one individual to another or from symbols expressed in
myth, art, literature and rituals. Subtle learning of cultural use of cannabis
can be seen from religious texts, songs on cannabis and also religious idols,
which have either cannabis leaves or the smoking pipe as part of the idol. A
clear example, of this association is seen in the worship of the idol of
Parappaswamy, a holy man, who used cannabis to enhance his religious
insight. In his idol, he is shown smoking cannabis and this is worshipped by
people in a village in Karnataka (Machado 1994).
The relevance of the socio-cultural environment in understanding drug use has
been highlighted by other scientists. Weil (1972) pointed out
that drug taking is a complex phenomenon and understanding it requires knowledge
of more than drugs. Every drug experience reflects a user’s expectations and
experiences with regard to a chemical substance, as well as the setting
where a chemical substance is used, with whom, when and why; and the entire
socio-cultural environment and its repository of meanings.
In addition to this
“Social construction of drugs and drug users have powerful
influences on how people act, and these social constructions are flexible and
ever changing. The transformation of the usage of cocaine use from a harmless
recreational activity to a dangerous, if not deadly, addiction was accompanied
by shifts in the symbolization of both cocaine and its users” (Scheibe 1994, cited in Curra 2000:162).
In order to understand the role of culture in determining drug effects and
settings or pattern of use within the context of use management in India, we
utilise here the schema put forth by De Rios (1975).
III. The Schema of Drug effects
De Rios (1975) has put forth the schema for understanding drug effects within
the cultural context, according to her, antecedent factors interact with
consequent effect of the drug, which are previously established as per the local
wisdom of the society. It is based on the interaction between antecedent and
consequent factors that one can attempt to predict new or not yet verified
relation and obtain useful theory of drug effects. According to De Rios (1975)
antecedent factors occur in four general areas, biological, psychological,
social-interact ional and cultural.
III.1.
Biological Antecedents
Studies undertaken in different locations within Africa and South America,
document the role of biological antecedents in determining
drug effects. In the African continent, among Shagana-Tsonga of the northern
Transval, the use of hallucinogens is crucial to achieve a religious experience
during female initiation at puberty.
At a girl’s puberty rite the plant
Datura
fatuosa is administered to young women ceremonially in order to ensure
communication with an ancestor God who grants fertility (Johnson 1973, cited in
De Rios 1975)
Myerhoff (1975) elaborated on how peyote is used among Huichol Indians. He
showed how the cultural expectation from their hallucinogenic experience along
with the recurrent possibly pan-cultural mystic vision that provided a
touchstone for their world view and facilitated the participant’s
attainment of a spiritual state whereby the person achieves a communion of sorts
with deities. The ritualised pilgrimage lasts for several weeks. During this
period pilgrims endure many privations to attain a spiritual state. They forego
or minimise human physiological needs as much as possible- sleep, sexual
relations, excretion, eating and drinking are actually or ritually foresworn.
III.2. Psychological Antecedents
Among Shagana-Tsonga, the initiation rite for a girl at puberty involves ritual
activities prior to the ingestion of the datura plant in order to
condition the attitudes, expectation and motivation of the initiates towards
achieving certain culturally valued goals- namely fertility by worshiping the
specific God. During the ritual, an initiate at first lies in a quasi-foetal
position on a palm-leaf mat, during a dance which simulates childbirth.
Stereotype visions as well as auditory hallucinations are important to the young
women. Hearing ancestral voices, while under the effects of drug use is a
cultural goal highlighted during the symbolic ceremonial activity. This is the
part of the life cycle emphasised by the puberty school in preparing initiates
for marriage (Johnson 1973, cited in De Rios 1975).
III.3. Social-Interactional
The structure of the group, the relationships of the members present and their
role interactions, will affect the impact of the drug. The ritual performance
itself and the presence of a guide skilled in the use of the drug are important
factors to consider in any attempt to predict drug effects. Group use in the
presence of a skilled guide facilitates the person to learn the ways of the
animals they hunt, to understand the divine future and to be able to communicate
with the supernatural (De Rios 1975). The rain forest group, the Amahuaca, use
hallucinogen ayahuasa[6]
for culturally specified goals namely, to obtain insights into the habits and
peculiarities of the animals they hunted, as well as to facilitate inter-group
relations and aid them in achieving political harmony (Cordova 1971, cited in De
Rios 1975). Among Shagnana-Taanga when the plant is administered to the
initiates, the females leader officiating suggests to the girls that they will
hear the voice of the ancestor God (Johnson 1973, cited in De Rios 1975).
III.4. Cultural Antecedents
Shared enculturation in belief systems is crucial to success in guiding an
experience. A shared symbolic system guides individuals through a particular
drug experience in order to achieve culturally valued goals. Expectations of the
visionary experience that
surrounds drug use are often the raison d’être
for non-western drug experience, for which prior socialisation in this area is
crucial to shamanic success. In certain cultures, adjuncts are used to
strengthen the drug effects. Among the Shagana-Tsanga along with drumming and
special music each initiate in turn is wrapped in a multi-coloured blanket to
facilitate drug experience of hearing ancestral voices. The initiate during
puberty rites see mavalavala
–bluish green coloured patterns, which is similar to
the common house snake in this area and which is believed to be reincarnation of
the ancestors. This vision is believed to hasten the hearing of ancestral voices
which assure the initiates of fertility (Johnson 1973, cited in De Rios 1975).
An ethnomusicologist’s
analysis of tropical rain forest music from
ayahuasca
session found that music can play a crucial role in bridging ordinary and
non-ordinary realms of consciousness (Fred 1971 cited in De Rios 1975).
Schema No: 1
Schema of Drug Effects
Antecedent Factors
An anthropological Schema of drug–induced hallucinations (De Rios 1975:413).
IV. Schema of Drug Effects- within Indian context.
This is a point of departure from De Rios schema (1975) for it is used to create
an adapted version, which considers the religious, social and economic aspects
of cultural use and mechanisms of use management within the Indian context.
The present study provides the adapted schema of De Rios which has been used in
order to understand cultural use within the Indian context and limited to
understanding drug use within the religious context.
Given the punitive approach to drug abuse management within the Indian context,
the legislation put in place has criminalised all forms use including culturally
sanctioned consumption. It is based
on the changes that have occurred through criminalisation that a new schema of
Drug effects within the Indian context is put forward. The schema presents the
impact of punitive approach on cultural use management in Indian context and
resultant impact of drug policy on drug use and trade both within and outside
the religious context.
Schema No 2
Adapted Version of De Rios Schema
Antecedent Factors
V. CONCEPTS USED
V. 1. Culture
Culture is defined as systems of agreed upon meaning that serve as recipes or
guidelines for behaviour in any particular society (Barett 1991). To say ‘agreed
upon’ is equivalent to saying symbolic since a symbol is something whose meaning
is bestowed by those
who use it (White1940:453). This symbolic capacity is a distinguishing
characteristic of all human beings, whereby they are able to bestow meanings on
things and acts and then to live according to them.
V.2. Enculturation
It is the process through which an individual as a member of society imbibes a
set of customs, values and moral precepts with regard to different behaviours
including drug use.
V.3. Traditional Drugs
Psychoactive plants and their natural products which are used in cultural
context are termed as traditional drugs. The main substances referred to are
cannabis, charas (hashish), poppy plant, opium, poppy straw and datura.
V.4. Hard Drugs
It refers to derivative drugs of psychoactive plants products and synthetic
drugs that are chemically processed based on the molecular structure of
derivative drugs or its manipulation.
V.5. Addiction
It is the progressive disease of consuming alcohol or psychoactive substances,
where the causal agent is the substance and drug use is a compulsive behaviour.
The only cure is total abstinence.
Addiction is a cluster of physiological,
behavioural
and cognitive phenomena of variable intensity, in which the use of the
psychoactive drug (or drugs) takes on a high priority. The necessary descriptive
characteristics are preoccupation with a desire to obtain and take drug and
persistent drug-seeking
behaviour.
Determinants and problematic consequences of drug dependence may be biological,
psychological or social and usually they interact (UNIDCP 1997).
V.6. Social Constructs
Transformation in social thought grounded in fundamental changes to social life,
structure and ideological conditions in society.
Social construction is an on-going process of building worldviews by the
individual in a dialectical interaction with society at any time.
V.7. Formal Norms
Zinberg (1984) defined rules formulated by legislation and institutions as part
of formal norms.
V.8. Cultural Norms
The norms which are not institutionalised and govern use of psychoactive
substances within the cultural context.
V.9. Cultural Use Management
This refers to the process through which cultural norms have put in place
regulatory mechanisms that restrict drug use.
V.10. Drug Use Management
It is a cultural guide of control consisting of informal norms and adaptation of
formal or legislative measures towards restricting the use of psychoactive
substances.
V.11. Drug Abuse Management
Programme focussing on control over the use of and trade in drugs based on the
assumption that drug use is a disease and a criminal act; and drug trade is a
crime.
V.12. Drug Laws
Legislative measures created at the national level in accordance with the
international treaties and conventions with regard to drug use and trade. In
India it is called Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, 1985.
V.13. Deviance
“Deviance is a social construction that emerges from social
differentiation, social conflict, and social disagreement” (Curra 2000:16)
According to Becker deviance is not a quality that lies in the behaviour itself,
but in the interaction between the person who commits an act and those who
respond to it. Once a person is labelled as a deviant with reference to a
certain rule, people automatically assume that the person possesses other
undesirable traits too. Deviance is created by making rules whose violation
qualifies as deviance, and involves the identification of rule breakers, and
treating them as outsiders (Becker 1963:9).
VI. Broad Descriptive Hypothesis
Consumption of drugs within the cultural context restricts the quantity consumed
and type of drug/s taken. It provides functional reasons for use and a social
construct for the drug user within the cultural context and restricts the
marginalisation of drug users.
With criminalisation of drug use through the present day drug policy traditional
and derivative/ synthetic drug users have to interact with criminal networks.
The criminalisation of drug use increases the market for drugs and the illegal
drug trade becomes a lucrative enterprise.
VII. Scheme of the Thesis
The thesis has been divided into six major chapters. The first chapter deals
with the research question and theoretical framework. It provides a review of
literature (Blum 1969; Chopra et.
al. 1990; Comitas 1975; Charles et. al. 1999; De Rios 1975; Fisher 1975; Garcia
1975; Herer 1991; Hasan 1975;
Masihi et. al. 1994; Machado 1994; Meyerhoff 1975; Masihi et. al. 2001; Rubin
(a) 1975; and Shrivastava 1989) on the use of psychoactive substances within the
cultural context and provides information on the influence of the drug setting on drug consumption,
the purpose of use, forms of use the type of drugs consumed and regulation of
drug consumption. The problem statement for the present research and schema for
understanding drug effects is as put forward by De Rios and forms a part of the
chapter.
The second chapter focuses on methodology, research sites, rapport building,
techniques, tools used in the study, the process of data analysis, and the
relevance and limitation of the study. Relevant background information on the
sites selected for the study has been presented, and the coverage includes a
larger geographical area than the locales selected.
The third chapter presents data on the religious use of psychoactive substances
by the samnyasis community. It further presents information on the
initiation into drug use, the graduation and gaining mastery over it. By
analysing the process it presents cultural mechanisms of control that evolved
with regard to drug use.
Based on the data collected, it was found that traditional drugs were consumed
in a controlled manner that included the quantity of drug, type of drug, context
of use, restrictions arising from expectation related to the physiological
impact of drug use and the adherence to a power structure when consumed in a
group setting. As a result the
social construct of drug, drug user and addiction presented here are different
from present mainstream literature on drug abuse management, which considers
regular use a disease/addiction.
Chapter four presents the socio-culture use of cannabis and opium in different
social contexts based on data collected from Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat and Tamil
Nadu. The data focuses on religious, social and medicinal use of cannabis and
opium. The choice of location for the study was based on the presence of groups
to be studied and accessibility to the groups concerned.
The use of cannabis is more extensive in Himachal Pradesh because of the
superior quality of the locally produced charas and the growth of tourism in the
State (Charles (b) 2001). For studying the use of traditional drugs for
medicinal purposes data were collected from Tamil Nadu as use of traditional
systems of medicine is extensive here and for the ease of access to
practitioners of traditional systems of medicine.
Based on data collected the schema of drug effects was adapted to the Indian
context and it was found that consumption of traditional drugs within the
cultural context did control drug use with regard to type of drug, quantity
consumed, the setting for use and profile of users. It was found that
traditional drugs have been used and continue to be used in medicinal of
traditional systems of medicine.
Chapter five utilises the data
on non-cultural drug use and drug trade to present the impact of criminalisation
on traditional drugs and hard drugs. It focuses on present day legislative
measure, the NDPs Act, 1985 and it’s implication on local wisdom with regard to
drug use management.
Adaptation of cultural use to new formal norms, introduction of hard drugs and
the strengthening of a new body of knowledge with regard to cultural use, the
changes in the social context of drug use and the impact of criminalisation on
drug use, these issues are considered here on the basis of data from drug users.
Changes in the social context of drug trade, the emergence of new socio-economic
activities, initiation into crime and entrenchment of criminal networks are
focussed upon and based on data from informants in the drug trade and drug users
involved in criminal activities.
Based on data collected, the chapter adapts the schema of De Rios to the Indian
context whereby the changes in antecedent and consequent factors brought about
through criminalisation, are integrated to understand drug effects in the
changed socio-cultural context.
Utilising the data collected from various groups from different settings, the
chapter addresses the issue of criminalisation of drugs and presents the impact
of criminalisation process on drug use and drug trade. It presents the process
through which the present day drug policy has created a situation where there is scope for the introduction of new types
of drugs without a cultural base, along with new forms of use that evolve in a
sub-cultural setting which lead to marginalisation, stigmatisation and
criminalisation of the user.
Chapter Six presents the conclusion of the study; the implications of
criminalisation on drug use and drug trade which is presented through an adapted
schema of drug effects called schema of Drug Effects within the Indian context.
VIII. Conclusion
Drug use management exists in different socio-cultural contexts across the globe
it consists of regulatory mechanisms for use within the religious, social and
medicinal context. A review of literature presents this reality within and
outside India. With the enforcement of legislation that focussed on the criminal
approach for drug control, a different social context evolved with regard to
drug use and trade control, it led to the marginalisation of users and created
scope for the selective implementation of justice based on class and race
differences.
Against this background information based on a review of literature, the Schema
of Drug Effects put forward by De Rios, 1975, is presented for analysing the
data collected from within the Indian context and facilitating the process,
definition of concepts used is also presented. The problem statement presents
research queries on issues linked to drug use and abuse management.
The last section of this chapter focuses on the schema of the thesis and a brief
description is given on the contents of various chapters in the thesis.
Chapter-2
Methodology
Introduction
The chapter presents details on the data collection process. It focuses on the
method selected for the study and provides details on the research sites
included for collecting data on drug use and trade. Along with an elaboration on
the rapport building process, the focus here is on the methods of interviewing,
the limitation and relevance of the study and the process of analysis of data
collected.
I. Approach
Selected
The choice of methodology appropriate to the research study depends on the
target group focussed upon and also on past research and accessibility to the
group. When a social issue is explored for the first time there arise
circumstantial limitations that lead to an adaptation of the tools used for data
collection and also determine the preference for one methodology over another.
The question of the value of qualitative and quantitative research designs and
techniques has been a point of dispute among scientists. They have argued over
their merits and demerits from their individual/professional perspective. The
quantitative research design is highly useful when researching a known
population and in dealing with phenomena on which some scientific knowledge
already exists. When the area of inquiry is one on which little or no scientific
knowledge exists, an exploratory study, primarily qualitative in design, might
be more appropriate.
Working with a hidden population about whom little is known makes it difficult
to use standard random sampling techniques. According to Wiebel (1990) the use
of illicit intoxicants is largely a covert activity in our society and it is not
possible to identify the number of individuals who engage in such behaviour.
Representative sampling irrespective of its scientific merits is quite simply
impossible to employ with the varied phenomena at hand.
The situation is further complicated when members of the group under study are
involved in criminal activities and live in isolation or hide their deviation
from accepted dominant norms of the society.
Drug use other than use of bhang (cannabis leaf) has been
criminalized with the implementation of NDPS Act, 1985. Though the consumption
of bhang is sanctioned there is no provision for licit cultivation of the
cannabis plant as in case of opium, and so the only source for bhang is
illicit cultivation and criminal networks. According to the existing legislation
drug use and drug trade are punishable, the period of imprisonment varies with
the nature of the drug and quantity seized. This makes it extremely difficult to
collect data on drug and drug trade, except when data is collected from the
institutional setting or through agencies involved in outreach activities.
The groups selected for the study limited the tools for data collection. Agar
(1997) stated that there are two settings, from which data can be collected, one
from the institutional setting, which include treatment centres and prison
settings, and the other from community settings. In this study data were
collected from both settings, institutional and community. For the research
group of samnyasis, the akada (institutional setting) was the
primary place of contact other than the community setting or their temporary
residence in isolated places close to forests and other remote places. With
those involved in crime it was basically the community setting and the drug
peddling areas that provided a source for data collection.
Data about drug users in Himachal Pradesh and Mumbai city were collected from
different settings. In the case of drug users from Himachal Pradesh, data were
collected from the community setting; this included data from restaurants where
cannabis is smoked in a manner similar to the cafes in Amsterdam. Data from drug
users in Bombay city were collected from both the institutional (treatment
centres/outreach setting) and community settings. Unlike the case of
samnyasis and drug users of Himachal Pradesh, data in Mumbai City were
collected only from hard drug users, especially marginalized street level drug
users.
Data from drug peddlers and those involved in organised crime required contact
with informants who had an excellent rapport with the study group, and an
extended period of time was spent to strengthen the relationship. For confirming
reliability, data were collected from different informants in the community. Data from this group were collected both
from Himachal Pradesh and Mumbai City. The role of contact persons who had close
links with informants was crucial at both these research sites. This was also
the case with data collected from samnyasis, as they lead an isolated
life avoiding contact with worldly persons expect for brief religious
ritualistic interaction.
In addition to the complications and difficulties that arose from the choice of
study groups, the gender of the researcher posed another problem. A female was
not expected to be involved in activities that required close interaction with
males involved in criminal activities or belonging to isolated groups of
samnyasis, especially since they were ones that preferred the use minimal
clothing, if any. These
aspects limited the researcher’s role as a participant observer.
Along with the quasi-participant observation, data were collected from
informants and research groups through interview guides. Data were crosschecked
through observation and group discussions for reliability.
II. Research Sites
Different sites were selected for collecting data from samnyasis, drug
users and practitioners of traditional medicine in Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh,
Tamil Nadu and Mumbai. The same was also the case for data collected from those
involved in different activities related to drug trade in Himachal Pradesh and
Mumbai. Here research sites refer
to geographical area larger than the locale of the study.
The locale selected for different groups depended on its relevance to observing
the phenomenon under study and the extent to which it represented the reality of
the issue focussed upon.
II.1 Junagadh – The Religious Community
In the case of religious use of psychoactive substances the samnyasi
community who gathered for Mahashivaratri at the town of Junagadh in Junagadh district of - the state Gujarat
was selected for inquiry. Junagadh is an important pilgrimage site in India,
where samnyasis meet every year to pay obeisance to Lord Siva. Data were
collected from different sites in the district, where samnyasis had a
temporary institutional base in their wandering lives or had their permanent
residence.
The town of Junagadh is situated on the foothills of the sacred hill of Girnar
and occupies a special place in the history of Gujarat. According to Hindu
mythology, Lord Siva resides at the temple of Bhavanath and Narayana as
Damodarrai near Damodar Kund (pond). Mount Girnar, to the east of
Junagadh city, is an important pilgrim centre for Hindus. It has five peaks, the
first being Ambamata (or the Girnar Goddess) which is visited by married
couples to ensure wedded bliss, the second is Gorakhnath the highest peak, the
third is Oghad Shikhar, the fourth Guru Dattatraya peak has a shrine dedicated
to Goraknath, and the fifth peak, Kalika peak which is a resort to Aghoris[7]
(Rajyagor 1975)
Map No 1
Location of Gujarat in India
Map
of Junagadh in Gujarat
II.2. Cannabis Users in Himachal Pradesh
Himachal Pradesh situated in the western Himalayas is dominated by mountains and
associated rivers. It has a total population of 5.6 million within its 55,673
sq.km of area. Its capital is
Shimla, and the main languages are Hindi and Pahari or language of the hills.
Agriculture is the main source of income for the people of the state. As
traditional crops have limited growth potential, the emphasis has been on high
value cash crops, mainly fruits and off-season vegetables. These efforts have
had a limited outcome as deforestation and quarrying for slate have caused
ecological damage and resulted in harsh climatic conditions unfit for crops.
The tourism industry has become an important source of income for the local
people, especially given the limited impact of development programmes in the
State. The local people lease out their land to others from nearby States to
build hotels and cater to the tourists. Another easy way of making money
identified by the youth is to provide drugs of choice to the tourists (Charles
(a) 2001; Charles (b) 2001).
Map No: 2
Map of Kullu District in Himachal Pradesh
Location of Himachal Pradesh in India
II.3. Hard Drug users and Drug trade in Mumbai
An important metropolitan city on the mid-western coast of India, it is the
capital of the state of Maharashtra. It is densely populated with a population
of 9,908,547. It is an important centre for drug trade and also has users of
different types of drugs. The drug is sold in different localities across the
city and its suburbs. These outlets are near railway stations or bus stations
and at times near the highways, main roads or in specified localities. The
research sites were selected based on existing data collected from outreach work
undertaken by a Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO). For further inquiry in
these sites, specific addas (locations in the city where the drug is sold
and users sit and consume drugs) were selected for observation and to conduct
in-depth interviews of users when possible.
Map
No: 3
Location of Maharashtra in India
Map of Mumbai City in Maharashtra State
III. Rapport Building
Whatever the methodology adopted the crucial issue in this study is rapport
building, to obtain relevant sensitive information especially from a hidden
population and isolated groups. It is a long term interaction that began even
prior to undertaking the present research study that facilitated rapport
building.
It was extremely difficult to establish contact and collect information on
samnyasis, especially Naga[8]
and Aghori samnyasis, for whom cannabis use is an integral part of
their meditation and quest for spiritual insight. In spite of working in the field of drug
abuse management for over a decade, the researcher found minimal information on
the use of mind-altering substances by the samnyasis. This availability
of limited information was also reflected in the viewpoints of professionals on
the use of cannabis by samnyasis sometimes this pattern of use was
mentioned in passing while addressing the issue of cannabis use within the
socio-cultural context of India or Nepal. It is this absence of information that
motivated the researcher to study drug use by the samnyasis community.
There was a religious meet of samnyasis for Shivaratri in
Junagadh, which the researcher decided to attend as the starting point to the
investigation. There were few who could help in the inquiry, as they or their
families did not welcome the idea of close interaction with the samnyasis
from the Naga and Aghori sects.
At the hotel, the researcher met an ex-member of naga samnyasi who
had married, as custom required that the only son get married to carry on the
family lineage. It is with the help of this person that she managed to interact
with Naga and Aghori samnyasis. Quite unlike the perception
of laypersons, these religious personalities were extremely kind and
forthcoming. They stated that they were happy to meet an Indian interested in
understanding their way of life, though they were surprised it was a woman.
During her interaction with these samnyasis she noticed that there was
only one widowed older woman, who came anywhere near them to take their
blessing. The male members of the area who came to take the blessings of the
samnyasis, at times for their small children, were surprised or
rather shocked to find the researcher sitting next to the Naga
samnyasis, and so insisted that she must be a hippie, otherwise she would
not be interacting with them in this manner.
Rapport building for data collection from individuals involved in the drug trade
and criminal activities was possible because of contact persons who acted as
facilitators. It is the trust of this group on these individuals that
facilitated the researcher collect information on this sensitive issue. These contact persons vouched for her
credibility and also stated that she would not act as informer to the police. In
spite of their involvement in illegal activities, it was far easier to collect
data from this group than establish contact and collect information from the
samnyasis.
As the subject of inquiry was sensitive,
access to
primary data was time consuming. The detailed case histories undertaken depended
on the contact person’s relationship with the interviewee, especially the extent
of trust and the process of establishing a rapport. The study on the growth of organised crime
undertaken in Mumbai (Charles et. al. 2002) by the researcher gave scope for
strengthening links with individuals involved in criminal activities and
collecting data for the present research.
Rapport building with drug users was made easy by the close interaction with the
drug using population, especially in Mumbai as the researcher had worked in the
area with street level drug users. In the case of drug users from Himachal
Pradesh, it was the presence of contact persons that facilitated the process.
Interacting with these groups who in many ways live away from the set path of
society left the researcher with a richer understanding of the varying shades of
human life. It also highlighted the process through which individuals get
moulded into different careers. In the case of samnyasis, however it was
an individual choice made at a very young age and the secluded lifestyle that
led them to live life on a plane totally different from that of their worldly
brethren.
IV. Methods of Interviewing
Interview guides were developed for collecting information from different
categories of individuals by first selecting a few individuals from the group to
be studied who were then interviewed in depth, and in a free floating manner.
Through the process the broad issues to be focussed upon by the interview guide
were evolved. The interview guide
was used to collect information on samnyasis, drug users in Himachal
Pradesh and Mumbai, and those involved in the drug trade in Mumbai and Himachal
Pradesh.
The data were crosschecked through interaction with different informants and
observation. During informal discussions with samnyasis in a group, some
of the information collected was rechecked. This approach was also used in case
of data collected from drug users, but never used for the group involved in drug
dealing, as interviews were conducted in isolation.
The detailed indepth interviews focussed on the following issues:
IV.1. Observation
Quasi- participant observation was used to collect data on samnyasis,
drug use and drug dealers.
Besides this additional data were collected from leaflets, newspaper articles
and documentaries. Photographs were also used to document the activities of the
samnyasis.
V. Limitation
The choice of the groups restricted the data collection process, in the case of
religious community limited to samnyasis from certain sects. The present
data is still relevant as there is at present limited information on drug use by
samnyasis in the Indian context, though there are many studies that focus
on samnyasis, their way of life, their perception, their understanding
and use of psychic powers. These studies focus on drug use in passing. This
absence of adequate information is also seen in the case of drug trade.
The study is limited by the restriction of the data collection to drug use and
drug trade in Mumbai city and some parts of Himachal Pradesh.
VI. Relevance
The relevance of this study is that it highlights important issues to be
considered in the national drug policy and it identifies issues for further
research. It brings forth a need to evaluate the existing drug abuse management
programmes and the need to consider the role of culture in drug use/abuse
management as part of the harm
minimisation programme.
VII. Selection of Informants
To study the religious use of psychoactive substances 19 samnyasis were
interviewed and photographs taken. For understanding drug use outside the
religious group data was collected from 10 traditional drug users and to present
the impact of criminalisation on hard drug users 22 users were interviewed. In
addition to this data was collected from 27 traditional practitioners of
medicine. For presenting various aspects of drug trade 15 informants were
interviewed.
VIII. Data Analysis and Presentation
The data were analysed based on topics such as initiation into drug use,
graduation, mastery and the impact of criminalisation of drug use. Data of drug
users were also categorised into sections such as the process of
marginalisation, the impact of criminalisation and involvement in criminal
activities. The role of ritualisation as a means of controlling drug use in
different settings was also focused upon.
In the case of data on medicinal use the focus was to present the use of
psychoactive plant products in medicinal preparations and to see whether
medicinal properties of psychoactive plants is utilised to deal with common
ailments.
Data from hard drug users and those involved in criminal activities were used to
present the impact of criminalisation on the social context of drug use, and on
indulgence in criminal activities among drug users. In addition, data were used
to understand the street level drug peddlers and their related activities. It involved collation of data in terms
of changes in social constructs such as drug, drug use, drug user, drug dealer
and drug addiction.
IX. Conclusion
Given the hidden nature of the issue under study elaboration is made on the
preference for qualitative research inquiry especially when the behaviour under
investigation is criminal. Against the details on approach selected the process
of rapport building with isolated group of samnyasis, drug user and traders is
presented. Details of the research sites selected for the groups investigated
are presented along with methods of interviewing. The section further presents
the limitation and relevance of the study along with the analysis of the data
collected
Chapter – 3
Role of Psychoactive Substances in Religion and Asceticism
Introduction
To present the religious aspect in culturally embedded drug use patterns this
chapter focuses on the use of psychoactive substances among saivite
samnyasis along with transference of their knowledge on use management to
the general public. The elaboration here on the religious form of drug
consumption and the related social constructs is based on data collected through
observation and informant interviews conducted in Junaghad district of Gujarat and Kullu and
Kangra districts of Himachal Pradesh. For providing a background to religious
use of psychoactive substances and on the life of saivite samnyasis
data from the scriptures are used along with other studies. The aspects covered
under these sections include norms adhered to during preparation of the drug, at
the time of consumption and on the pattern of use. To present the link between religious
use within saivite samnyasi community and outside the religious
group, data on social interaction between the saivite samnyasis
and general public is provided. All these aspects of drug consumption contribute
towards creating a normative pattern of use, which forms a base for use
management within the religious community.
I. Saivite Samnyasis and Asceticism
Mount Girnar is an important pilgrimage place for Saivite Samnyasis and
devotees for celebrating Mahashivaratri. The area considered to be sacred
begins at the Girnar gate, lying at the base of Mount Girnar. The importance of
Mount Girnar is brought forth in hymns that praise its relevance.
( Sivananda 1957)
At the foot of Mount Girnar is the famous Bhavanath Mandir[9],
an important religious site, there are numerous saivite samnyasis
from varied sects who come to pay homage to Lord Siva. This place is also
significant because it is where the foot print of Dattatreya (an ascetic) is
considered embedded in the rock.
Dattatreya is the tutelary deity of Naga samnyasis along with
Bhairava.[10]
Saivite Samnyasis are distinguished by their ochre coloured robes, the place is
filled with various shades of this attire, the uniformity broken by some
samnyasis wearing black or white attire. Though after the festival
the number of samnyasis reduces drastically, there are to be found
samnyasis with black attire, who look different in their appearance
especially as they carry a human skull along with them. Besides the attire of
the samnyasis, it is the ornaments that adorn their neck, ears, hands and
waist that indicate their sectarian affiliation, as does the specific sect name
suffixed to their samnyasi name. In the case of those who have gone
beyond these differences and become a Paramahamsa[11]
it is difficult to place their sectarian membership.
The temporary sheds found on the lanes of Mount Girnar have pictures of Lord
Siva and Datttatreya kept in great reverence. The homage paid to them by the
Saivite Samnyasis and devotees is an indication of respect given to
ascetic life in Hindu tradition. The form of the Lord Siva worshipped here is
that of an ascetic, though he is generally worshipped in the form of Linga[12].
Lord Siva has been represented in many forms. In one he is represented as living
in the human form in the Himalayas with
Parvati, at times in the act of destroying demons, with a serpent around his
neck and a necklace made of skulls.
He is also shown as riding a white bull, with a trident in his hands, wearing a
tiger’s skin or elephants’ skin. He has three eyes the significant
third eye is in the middle on his forehead. The third eye is used to distinguish
truth from illusion and to destroy lust that reduced man into samsara
(worldly person) (Wilklins 2000; Ghurye 1953)
He is also known as Mahadev, in the form of an austere ascetic, living in
the forest with matted hair and teaching his disciples the virtues of penance (tapas),
mortification of body, suppression of human passions and abstract meditation.
Lord Siva covers himself with ash, thus rejecting symbolically the material
world, he also carries Kamandalu (water pot), a bowl made of human skull
to drink and a chillum[13]
(pipe). It is believed that such living leads to the loftiest spiritual
knowledge and ultimately union with the Great Spirit of the Universe. Some of
the other names for Lord Siva are Digambara
(‘He who is clothed with space or is naked),
Bhuteswara
[Lord of Bhuts (ghosts or golbins)]
(Wilklins 2000; Ghurye 1953).
The behaviour patterns of ascetics are associated more with certain specific
incarnations of Lord Siva, the tutelary deity of the Pasupat sect. The
Indus valley civilisation cultivated yoga[14]
and meditative techniques along with its cult of Lord Siva as Pasupati
(divine herdsman) and Yogi. There is the representation of the Udhra-medhara[15]
god on one of the seal-amulets discovered at Mohen-jo-daro, a centre of the
Indus Valley civilisation. On a seal is seen a prototype Siva, as a three-faced
person seated in an attitude of Yoga, and with urdha-medhra
clearly exhibited (Ghurye 1953;
Pandey 1987).
It is to follow the footsteps of Lord Siva, that Saivite Samnyasis
who come to mount Girnar wear only a stitched or
unstitched piece of ochre coloured garment. They also wear horizontal tilak
(marks) on their forehead to show their sectarian affiliation. These tilaks
of with ash are also known as vibuthi power. Some of them wear a spot on
the centre to represent the third eye of Lord Siva. These specifications have
been also mentioned by Ghurye (1953), who noted the use of necklaces made by
Rudraksha[16],
tulsi[17]
beads or crystals and the pattern of carrying Kamandellu by some sect.
Images of saivite samnyasis enjoying the chillum while
interacting with other samnyasis or bhagats (devotees) in their
sheds, and when alone, fill the lanes and corners of Mount Girnar. This is a far
cry from the criminalisation perspective that considers drug use to be a
criminal act capable of evoking a punishment of six months behind bars.
Confronted by this contrast it is difficult not to recollect the passages from
scriptures that dwell on the pleasures of Soma[18].
“This Soma is a god; he cures
The sharpest ills that man endures
He heals the sick, the sad he cheers,
He nerves the weak dispels the fears; …
We’ve quaffed the Soma bright
And are immortal grown
We’ve entered into light,
And all the gods have known.
( From The Rig Veda as cited in Wilkins, 2000,
pg 70-71)
The description of soma as recorded in the Vedas[19],
the Rigveda[20],
the Samaveda[21]
and the Yajuraveda[22] show the position given to it within the
religion. Soma, according to the Vedic
hymns, is the God who ‘represents and animates the juice of the
soma
plant. In some of the hymns, he is exalted as the Creator, the Father of Gods.
In the verses and songs in praise of soma, there is no distinction made
between the actual juice and the God who is supposed to dwell in it. All the
Gods drink it; and soma, the God in the juice, is said to clothe the
naked and heal the sick[23]
(Wilkins 2000; Kishore (a) 1998 and Kishore (b) 1998). The Vedas
described soma as the drink of the Gods, and there
has been frequent reference to Lord Indira’s fondness for it[24].
One such instance from the Samaveda is given below:
“Indira, O mighty Lord, may we continue praising, Thy fame,
fame of one like Thee. O Hero, may we realise Thee in our meditation. O Indira, at daybreak accept our oblation
of Soma mixed with roasted corn-flour, with cake, curds, and eulogies.
Indira, Thou overcomest all the demons and evil forces, with Thy all conquering
might. Thine are all these pleasures of the Soma juice, Lord Indira.
Enjoy them and be pleased, Lord of royal wealth. For Thee, Lord of Light, Soma
Juice is pressed, and sacred grass-seat is spread. Indira be gracious to Thy
worshippers” (Kishore (b) 1998:35).
Another Lord known for his fondness for Soma is Lord Siva, and he is also
known as Somnath or the guardian of the sacred herb, soma. In the
Hindu Epics and
Puranas’,
Lord Siva plays an important part, and several books have been written in his
praise. Lord Siva is not mentioned as a God in the Vedas, he is declared to be
Rudra[25]
of the Vedas (Singh, 1990). In Yajuraveda, Rudra is
addressed,
“Salutation be to him, the blue throated[26]
the thousand eyed, the beautiful to look on, and also to his ministers, to them
be our homage (Kishore (c) 1998: 83).
II. Locale
The area covering the base of Mount Girnar has many religious sites, and one of
them is Damodhar Kund. It is
situated beyond the Girnar Gate, it is here that the cremated remains of the
deceased are immersed by relatives and a puja is performed. Ahead of
Damodar Kund is the Bhavanath mandir, which holds a significant
place in the religious rites on Mahashivratri especially for the samnyasis
and their devotees. Near to Bhavanath mandir, is the Murgi Kund,
where samnyasis take a dip at midnight on Mahashivratri. The next day,
devotees drench themselves in the water that is flushed out of the kund,
which they consider to be blessed.
Ahead of the Bhavanth Mandir is a cross road, marked by a huge tree at
the junction of the diversion. Samnyasis of different sects sit on either
side of the lane under temporary sheds or below trees. These rectangular
temporary structures are made of bamboo and cloth covering an area of around
10ft by 7ft. The structures utilise the walls on either side of the lanes to
support their roof. The walls, a part of the akhadas or monastic centres
on the side of these lanes.
The area within the temporary shed is kept clean and neat, the flooring is
plastered with a mixture of mud and water. The portion outside the shed is kept
clean by sprinkling water to settle the dust. Inside the shed, close to the
wall, the flooring is raised to make a small platform, which forms the seat for
the samnyasis and his favourite chelas (disciples). The devotees
and other visitors sit at a lower level. Even when they sit in a circle to smoke
chillum, the power structure between samnyasis, disciples and
devotees is maintained.
The visible symbol in these temporary sheds is the dhunni
[27]
or fireplace. There is no fixed size for the dhunni, which is a circular
heap with a hollow portion in the middle. This heap is called Brahma Kunda,
and the entire dhunni is made of mud. Mud from burrows inhabited by
snakes is used to make the dhunni, and among certain sects, such as
aghoris, the ash from the cremation ground is also used and such dhunni is
considered siddh. The other items used in the preparation of the
dhunni
are cow dung, cow’s urine and water.
Dhunni
is considered sacred and worshipped daily, and flowers are placed outside the
Brahma Kund and prayers are said after water is sprinkled on the flowers.
A person can touch the dhunni only after having a bath. Waste materials
such as matchsticks cannot be thrown inside the dhunni. Some of the
samnyasis picked the money given by people with pincers and at times threw
it inside the dhunni. Depending on the type of dhunni, it is
either kept lit throughout the year in the same place or a part of the dhunni
is carried by the samnyasis from one place to another.
At the Akhada when everyone leaves one person stays behind to ensure that
it is kept lit. When the dhunni, is maintained in this manner for years
(over 12 years) the dhunni itself is considered to be siddh
(enlightened) and have miraculous powers, it is used for medicinal purposes.
At the Juna or Purana Akhada samnyasis from different sects
come together during Mahashivratri. The power structures between
samnyasis are maintained. One can glean this from the sitting arrangement;
some of them sit on raised platforms and others on lower levels. From the gate
of the Akhada the lane leads to a big structure where a picture of Lord
Shankar is placed in a prominent position. On one side of the Akhada is
the dhunni. It is considered to be very old and it is enclosed by walls
on all three sides. After the dhunni on one side is a small mandir
for Guru Dattatreya Bhagwan.
Next to it is a raised platform, which is a gurugadi[28]
and behind it on one side is the bathroom, which has a piece of cloth that acts
as a door. The top of the gurugadi has a roof, which is supported on a
beam. On the lower portion there are different seating places for the
samnyasis and there are different dhunnis around which they sit. When
samnyasis are there they light the dhunni. On one part of this
area, the aghoris sit together. The samnyasis who come to the
Akhada leave some gifts at the feet of the Guru and pay homage to him. From
this collection, money is also provided to samnyasis who come from
distant places, to facilitate their travel.
III. Use of psychoactive substances in religious context.
Psychoactive substances have been used for religious and magico-religious rites
by different communities across the globe (Guiley 1993). The changes that
occurred in our association with mind altering substances for religious purposes
can be far more related to the difficulty of this realm being understood in a
scientific manner (Charles et. al. 1999). Cannabis was used among Scythian in
Atian in mid-Asia, during funeral rites (Emoden 1972) and in another culture it
was used
to experience ‘great vision’ and thereby ascertain the smoker’s role in
ganja
subculture (Rubin (b) 1975). Cannabis occupied a pride of position in the
religious ceremony of tribals near Gulf of Mexico (Garcia, 1975). In a similar
manner other substances to be used in the religious context included
hallucinogens (Blum 1969; De Rios 1975), Datura fatuosa[29]
(De Rios 1975) and Nicotine (Wilbert 1975).
Studies have shown that cannabis use is common across various sects and that it
is linked to Lord Siva for Soma is considered to be a gift from Lord Siva
(Hasan 1975, Chopra et. al. 1990). At the same time there is lack of clarity as
to the botanical nomenclature of the soma mentioned in the Vedas.
It has been considered to be Asclepias acide, which is a creeper
plant almost destitute of leaves. It yields a milky juice which is mild and
acidic in nature (Wilkins 2000; Wasson 1971). According to Mckeena (1993)
soma is Strophoria cubensis. He based his conclusion on the
climatic requirement for the plant and its psychotropic properties. Whatever may
be the botanical nomenclature of soma, early documentation cites
Rishis as being permitted to perform sacrifice involving the use of soma,
and in the case of scarcity, using another plant as substitute (Pandey 1987).
Since the soma plant is rare, the abundantly available cannabis must have
been associated with it.
IV. The group under study – Saivite Samnyasis
The decision to focus on use of psychoactive plant products among saivite
samnyasis emerged from a limited availability of literature on their
pattern of drug use; at the same time there are a number of publications on
their life style, religious beliefs and their remarkable achievement on physical
abilities and understanding and information on developing mental skills
that focus on psychic energy. Hence
the focus of this study is on their role of psychoactive substances in their
lives as perceived by them and mechanisms that have evolved in order to sustain
the functions of these substances.
Data presented here is based on in depth interaction and observation of
saivite samnyasis in both Junaghad and Himachal Pradesh, with a
majority of the cases being from the former site. In the context of samnyasi
community, based on the data collected it the place of stay or study does not
seem to hold any relevance. For, from the time of their initiation, which occurs
during early adolescent years the recruit has to travel with his/her guru or
alone to different pilgrimage sites in India, as the focus is to keep moving so
that the possibility of developing attachment to place or people is restricted.
The focus is also to visit all the important pilgrimage sites of Lord Siva in
different corners of the country.
The
researcher’s
interaction with them took place within their akhada in Junagahad town
area and in matts. These are structures set up by samnyasis who
after years of wandering set up rough structures in a spot where they feel they
can pursue their spiritual goals. Often the selected locations are isolated
areas near rivers, forests or hills.
Among the 19 samnyasis interviewed, many of them were temporarily
staying in the akhada and others had their own matts. One
Udasin samnyasi with a small
ashram close to the Gir forest area, near a small village had the villagers
visit him for his services.
Akhada
are institutional structures, found in different parts of the country, unlike
monastic centres the membership of akhada is dependent on the mantra that
the guru has whispered into his/her ears when the samnyasin was initiated
into the sect. In this study the data were collected from Juna Akhada.
It has a huge open ground, the area on the left was cemented and a structure
raised with four pillars and roof. On the side there are a few trees. On entry
to the akhada, to the right is the enclosed dhunni of the
akahada in front of which there is always a samnyasi attending to the
dhunni. People come here to pay obeisance to the dhunni, for it is
considered to become siddh or (to be endowed with miraculous powers)
after it has been maintained for many years.
All saivite samnyaisis use cannabis. However, it is not restricted
only to saivite samnyais.
Consumption is far more among the Naga and Nathpanthi
samanyasis and this is the reason why more respondents were selected from
these sects. Members of the Udasin sect have also been included in this
study as they are reformist groups and their membership is open to women as
well. In addition to their use of psychoactive substances, both Naga and
Nathpanthis are known for their skill in using weapons and staff and also
for their psychic abilities. This is a clear indication that the continuous use
of cannabis products does not automatically lead to addiction or is associated
with a dysfunctional life style as portrayed by the drug abuse management
approach.
One of the Naga samnyasi who displayed his skills that was
photographed by the researcher said
“it is a means to show the world that the mind is more
powerful than what is understood by people”. He then
used the staff around which his penis was wrapped in such a relaxed manner that
it was difficult for anyone to conceive that a sensitive organ can be so
desensitised. His penis also hung low to the ground, when he sat in a squatting
position and according to the informant this is known as Sama-nicamedhra.
This has been also indicated by Ghurye (1953).
Another characteristic of both
Naga’s
and Nathpanthis has been their skill with weapons, this was displayed by
the Nagas and Nathpanthis as they walked towards the murgi
kund where they take their annual bath. The entire process was visually
documented by a videographer a copy of which, was given by one of the
samnyasis to the researcher. Their display of skills included samnyasis
pulling a vehicle tied to their penis and also having their penis wrapped around
a sword. All the while all of them were walking towards the murgi kund[30].
Unlike the
Naga’s
who received their name based on their chief characteristic; nakedness, the
Nathpanthis use an ochre coloured single stitched robe. They receive their
name because they worship Gorakhnatha, they also call themselves
Gorakhapanthis. There are two
divisions among them the Augharas (Aghoripanthis) and
Nathpanthis. The difference between them being the latter has their ears
pierced and wear huge earrings while the former wear no earrings. Augharas do not have this
difference and they wear black attire instead of ochre coloured robes. A
Nathpanthi samnyasi from Kanpata[31]
sect showed his round earrings called Kundala, as he explained his
sectarian affiliation. Among the members of this sect there are others with flat
earrings which are known as Darsana.
According to Ghurye (1953), the importance of the ring in the perforated
ear is so great that if by chance the ear is torn the ascetic is excommunicated.
The other ornaments worn by Nathpanthi include the sacred thread around
the neck, called saili. It consists of a Rudraksha bead and
whistle made of horn either of a buck or a rhinoceros, called singanada.
The samnyasis who were part of the study, were totally enculturated into the group
ideology. All of them, except for two, entered the group in a very early age
leaving their families behind and following the guru wherever he went. Such a
practice creates a sense of total submission to the ways of the guru and
acceptance of the group identity.
This study focused basically on the use of psychoactive substances. In order to
identify the specific issues to be focused on, three case histories were
initially taken. Additional cases were purposive efforts at collection of
information on consuming different types of drugs in larger quantities. Among the samnyasis who were
informants to the study, an Aughara, who
later became a paramahamsa, wore a white attire said once a person
becomes a paramahamsa he goes beyond sectarian differences. He further
said
“ ...though I have taken all forms of drugs, now I have gone
even beyond the need for drugs, as my body produces what it needs by itself to
facilitate my spiritual journey. Only occasionally in a group setting do I take
puffs of ganja chillum, as that is a gift from our Lord”.
V. Role of Psychoactive Substances In Asceticism
A review of literature on Hinduism shows the important traits of asceticism as
celibacy, austerity, concentration and ecstasy. Asceticism, in general insists
on aspirants being Naisthika Brahmacari. In an ascetic’s
life austerity or tapas come in different forms such as sacrifice, being silent
and fasting. Concentration refers to a last stage in yoga system, it is also
referred to as
dharana
or continued concentration. The other stages in yoga are dhyana
(meditation) and citta (control of mind, or consciousness). The focus of
this process is the control of senses, mind and intellect and it is known as
Indriyadharana. Ecstasy refers to the feeling on consumption of soma,
and it facilitates the realisation of the supreme soul and union with Brahma.
Within this context the use of cannabis and other substances by samnyasis
is an interesting inquiry that brings forth a different perspective to drug use
management. Literature shows that Nathpanthis have been known to consume
cannabis in large quantities as their tutelary deity Bhairava is fond of the
same. The mastery of yoga and the consumption of psychoactive substances are
part of their ascetic life. It is against this background the present research
will focus on the role of psychoactive substance among the religious community
and resultant use management.
Towards this end data is presented on the use of bhang and cannabis by
the community and the manner of its preparation. The latter is significant as
the setting for preparation is often a religious place and it is done in an open
manner, this is different from the use and preparation of substances that occurs in a criminal setting, where
the emphasis is to hide the habit and restrict the number of people who have
access to such information.
V. 1. Consumption of psychoactive substances
V.1.1.
Bhang
Drinking
The small group of three Aghoripanths whom the researcher met, wore black
robes and had a large vessel of bhang on their side. They offered the
drink to all the people who came to meet them; it was done in a casual manner as
if offering a cup of tea. Aghoripanths strive to attain mystical powers
and show their utter distain for mundane conventions and feelings this is
expressed by eating anything without any demur. They believe anything created by
their Lord cannot be dirty. Unlike other saivite sects who abhor drinking
alcohol, Aghoripanths take pleasure in doing so and consider it an
important part
of their religious rites. They don’t live a life of celibacy and have a female
partner; one of the members in the group is a
sadhvik,
who joined the sect ten years ago.
Speaking of bhang, the informant from the saivite samnyasi
sect said: `It is a lengthy process and it is prepared from the tender leaves of
ganja, datura seeds, black pepper, tulsi
[32]
leaves and water. This mixture is ground with a stone and a little water is
added to it. Then it is placed in a thamba (bronze) vessel, the mixture
is again stirred to make it thick and it is kept in the vessel overnight, after
which other ingredients, such as powdered cashew, kismis[33],
pista, aniseed, ajowan, cloves, saffron, cardamom and musk
are added to the mixture. Milk is also added to the mixture and it is boiled.
The liquid is then cooled before consumption, for it is supposed to increase its
potency. When a noviciate enters the samnyasi community s/he may be given
at first bhang in small quantities, before s/he is introduced to
chillium
smoking’. Study done by (Chopra
et. al. 1990) have mentioned a similar process of preparation of bhang
V.1.2.
Chillum
Smoking
On a visit to the akhada for discussion with samnyasis, the
samnyasis, sat on a raised platform forming a circle and the researcher was
asked to join them. It is
considered to be a privilege to be asked to do so, especially for a woman. The
informant had earlier instructed the researcher to either sit cross legged or
with feet tucked under, for sitting with feet outstretched is considered
disrespectful. The samnyasis
sat either on their haunches or cross-legged. Afterwards the Guru offered
tea in small glasses. During the discussions, they decided to have a chillum
and the samnyasi sitting next to the Guru prepared the chillum. At first the chillum, kakri[34]
and safi[35]
were washed and kept for drying. Then the samnyasi took a piece of
charas, which was handed over to him by another samnyasi from the
group. As he proceeded to heat the charas
with a match stick, he remarked that
‘It is good quality charas’. He crushed the warm charas with
his thumb and forefinger and made it a fine powder by kneading it against his
palm. The powder was mixed with
tobacco before filling the chillum. The filled pipe was wrapped with
safi, and held for the Guru to light.
Each samnyasi before taking a puff praised Lord Siva and passed on
the chillum to the person sitting on his right; this order was not
broken.
Before ganja is smoked it is cleaned by removing the seeds/stems. It is
then soaked in a few drops of water and crushed between two palms to drain off
the excess water. Some samnyasis wash ganja twice or more, for it
is believed that the process increases its potency. Sometimes, a lit matchstick
is used to warm the wet mixture slightly.
The ganja mixture is then added to tobacco prior to filling up the
chillum, which already has the kakri fixed on one end of the pipe
of the chillum. When smoking, a safi acts as a filter and stains
collect on it. Each samnyasi keeps his own cloth. After smoking the
chillum, the ash that remains is applied on as tilak on the forehead,
thereby expressing respect to the chillum. Both, the psychoactive
substance and chillum are considered gifts of Lord Siva. Unlike ganja
that is washed, charas is heated by attaching a small ball of charas
to one end of a matchstick and heating it with another lit matchstick. To
preserve its psychoactive properties care is taken not to burn the charas.
An informant from Dasnami Naga sect, who has been an ascetic for
fifty years, spoke about chillum smoking. He left worldly life at a very
early age for he enjoyed the company of samnyasis and sants, as he
spent a lot of time with them especially singing bhajans. Later, in his
adolescent years he met his Guru and became a part of the samnyasi
community and left worldly life.
`Every fresh chillum is lit by an experienced samnyasi, his
chela (disciple) prepares the chillum and gives it to the senior
samnyasi sitting next to him, who then lights it. At that time any Guru-mantra
(mantra given by the guru) is recited and after which the
chillum is smoked. Words like 'Jai Girnari (Victory of
Girnari) or Alakh Niranjan (fearless God), Jai ho Datttatreya
(Victory to the sovereign King of Girnar) are uttered first. Only after such an
utterance does one start inhaling the drugs filled in the chillum’.
`Whenever a member of the samnyasi community visits us, we smoke a
chillum
together. This is a way in which we show respect and courtesy’.
`When smoking we sit in a circle, samnyasis mostly sit on their haunches.
The chillum is passed on from one member to the other in a clockwise
direction and it is passed only after it has been smoked. The samnyasis are not allowed to
cough or clear the throat when smoking, as it is considered a sign of disrespect
to the Lord. After smoking chillum only religious topics are discussed,
mainly mantras, the life of sadhana or what one has achieved spiritually.
Discussions also focused
on the opinions of different gurus’.
He further elaborated
“Now at my ashram[36],
I have chelas whom I teach how to take drugs, I focus on the process of taking
drugs gradually and its purpose’.
To present the difference in the preparation and consumption of psychoactive
substances; the information provided by an Agoripanthi informant is
given. He is in his early fifties
and believes that he is an Aghori from birth. He was trained by his
father for many years and after
this father’s death, he inherited his father’s position.
`There are no time restrictions for Aghori, we take drugs twenty hours a
day. We collect drugs and liquor in
Bhaira Khapur (skull), some of that is offered to the God and the
remaining is drunk as prasadi. Ganja is smoked with tobacco in
chillum;
it is neither washed nor cleaned’.
`We sit together to smoke with other
members of our community. The Aghori does not give his chillum to
others because it is believed that if he does so his achievements become null
and void. Among us the only exception for sharing the drug is when Guru
and disciple smoke together’.
`When we go to the cemetery, we first offer drugs to Bhairava and only
then do we take them as prasad.
We bow down to the God and then take the drugs very respectfully and in a
disciplined way. This is our custom’.
Analysis
Observation data and informant interviews show that based on the norms of
sectarian regulation psychoactive substances are consumed by saivite
samnyasis. Adherence to a power structure is seen from the position of
privilege - for it is the guru who lights the chillum. While smoking care
is taken to show respect to the Lord who gifted cannabis by not clearing the
throat or coughing, it is also seen in that the left over ash in the chillum
is not discarded as waste. These acts, the manner of sitting or uttering the
Lords name all in all creates a setting where cannabis is seen as a link with
the Lord. As the conversation revolves around religious matters the entire
process makes cannabis another means for the samnyasis to relate to their
Lord within a religious setting where beliefs govern the process, from
preparation to the use of psychoactive substance.
VI. Role of Drugs in Spiritual Search
Among Samnyasis the use of mind altering substances for continuous
concentration is linked to gaining control over their sense organs, the mind,
for the practice of yoga and also to deal with adverse climatic
conditions. This was observed in the Himalayan region in winter, where some of
the data collection was done. The researcher came across samnyasi with
minimal clothing sitting comfortably outside in the cold winter.
“On one occasion, a samnyasi who came to the shop of
the devotee to collect prasad was scantily dressed and barefoot, with
only one significant possession, a samnyasi bag on his shoulder. After
having tea with his devotees and smoking chillum, he went out in the open
walking through the snow. He showed no discomfort, though his attire was more
appropriate for the summer heat.”
According to samnyasis, the consumption of drugs is believed to affect
other functions of the body in a positive manner. With increased drug
consumption, food intake reduces and it no longer hinders the search for
spiritual achievement that includes long hours of meditation and yoga,
especially in adverse conditions. In addition it helps them control sensual
desires which may come in the way of meditation[37].
According to samnyasis from Junna Akhada, it is this
experience after consumption of cannabis that facilitates their undertaking of
sadhana[38]
for long periods without taking a break.
As one of them said; `At times the sadhan goes on for weeks,
without food or drink. The skills
for sadhana are enhanced through consumption of drugs and thereby
the ability to concentrate and meditate even in adverse conditions’.
A Nanthpanthi samnyasi, who joined ascetic life from the age of
fifteen elaborated on the purpose of drug consumption:
`After consuming psychoactive substances mind and body remain calm and the mind
gets extremely focussed on jap.
The mind becomes blissful and no bad thoughts occur’.
`There is a link between drug use and sex, for through drug use one can fully
control ones sense organs so that a person can focus his mind on jap[39],
whereby one gets the highest knowledge. That is drugs + yoga + jap
= moksha[40]’.
`The mind becomes absolutely peaceful, disturbing thoughts are removed from the
mind. The user is filled with joy and gets absorbed in jap and
forgets all troubles and difficulties. Everything becomes calm and we experience
a rare type of joy. This can be considered the reason for taking drugs’.
Another informant form Udasin[41]
Sect, who became a part of samnyasi community in his adolescent years
after spending time with other samnyasis and being influenced by them;
spoke of the role of psychoactive substance in a samnyasi life.
`With the use of psychoactive substances
“mind became peaceful, the process of jap became
extremely enjoyable and the mind became absolutely calm. All
sense organs remain under one’s control after taking drugs. Spiritual processes
and drugs combine and the sense organs are controlled. They can be trained in
any direction that one wants and such a man alone (man with such control) can be
called a
samnyasi
or
samnyasi’
The analysis of informant information showed that, from their perspective, the
use of psychoactive substances facilitated their meditation and continued
concentration, the latter is considered
the last stage in the yoga system and crucial to attaining unity
with the Lord. This conception of the psychoactive substance is far different
from the negative perception of substance use that exists within the criminal or
punitive approach to drug abuse management. Here the capacity to use drugs in a
constructive manner during sadhana is valued by the samnyasi
community. There is no variation seen in this aspect across the sects of
saivite samnyasis among the informants interviewed.
VII. Pattern of drug use among Samnyasis community
Among the saivite samnyasis the use of psychoactive substances
plays a part in their ascetic life, especially in attaining a state of continued
concentration, where there is control over senses, mind and intellect. To
elaborate further on the process through which saivite samnyasis
are introduced to psychoactive substances as part of their ascetic life in order
to attain spiritual enlightenment; data are presented on their introduction to
psychoactive substances, the daily life of samnyasis, the use of
psychoactive substances, types of drugs consumed and graduation in the process
of taking drugs.
VII.1. Introduction to Drug Use
Study on the use of hard drugs in the urban context has shown that it occurred
either as an accidental event or as a conscious choice for an altered state of
consciousness or high (Charles et. al. 1999). On the contrary among samnyasis
community, the saivite ascetic is introduced to psychoactive substance by
his/her Guru and it occurs after s/he has been initiated to the specific
saivite sect.
A Naga samnyasi aged 65 who resides in Mount Girnar described his
initiation to the saivite sect and introduction to drug use. According to him a religious ascetic who
visited his village cured him of a blindness, which he suffered from for five
years, after an accident while working in the farm. This changed his life and he
decided to become a chela to the ascetic and
that’s how he became a
samnyasi.
`Prior to being a samnyasi, I had never taken any drug including
cannabis. After giving me diksha, my Guru gave me a little ganja,
at that time other members of samnyasi community were also present. After
taking cannabis, I felt happy and light. My Guru gave me ganja daily in
the same manner. He also gradually increased the quantity of ganja and so
did my capacity to take the substance. Since, my first introduction to ganja
I have continued
to take it and never stopped’.
All in all nineteen informants spoke of a gradual increase in the quantity of
cannabis taken. Among them four spoke of also taking other drugs to facilitate
their concentration and the Aghoripanthis spoke of use of liquor in
addition to cannabis and other drugs.
VII.2. Duration and quantity consumed
VII.2.1. Duration of Use